{"id":2131,"date":"2026-07-04T00:18:00","date_gmt":"2026-07-04T00:18:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/?p=2131"},"modified":"2026-08-26T01:25:59","modified_gmt":"2026-08-26T01:25:59","slug":"pemex-and-petrobras-beyond-political-affinity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/pemex-and-petrobras-beyond-political-affinity\/","title":{"rendered":"Pemex and Petrobras: Beyond Political Affinity"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Petrobras<\/strong> and <strong>Pemex<\/strong> signed a <strong>memorandum of understanding<\/strong> on Tuesday in <strong>Rio de Janeiro<\/strong> to cooperate in <strong>exploration, production, and industrial processes<\/strong>. The gesture can be read as a political signal between two close governments, headed by <strong>Lula da Silva<\/strong> and <strong>Claudia Sheinbaum<\/strong>, but the underlying question is not whether <strong>Brazil<\/strong> and <strong>Mexico<\/strong> share a state-oriented sensitivity regarding energy, but why <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> comes to the table as a company with <strong>international muscle, corporate discipline, and exportable technology<\/strong>, while <strong>Pemex<\/strong> arrives seeking capabilities that it lost or never fully managed to consolidate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The difference is not that <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> has ceased to be state-owned. The <strong>Brazilian Government<\/strong> retains control of the common shares and, therefore, decisive influence over the company. The difference is that this control coexists with a <strong>market structure<\/strong> that imposes checks and balances. <strong>Common and preferred shares<\/strong> listed on the stock exchange, a broad base of <strong>private investors<\/strong>, <strong>corporate governance<\/strong> rules, committees, compliance standards, and a board with independent participation are among the characteristics of the Brazilian oil company. After the trauma of <strong>Lava Jato<\/strong>, <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> strengthened <strong>internal controls, transparency, auditing, and decision-making processes<\/strong> that reduce the room for operating solely as an administrative arm of the Executive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That architecture makes it possible to contain the political element. Although <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> continues to respond to national priorities, the company cannot completely ignore the <strong>cost of capital<\/strong>, the <strong>profitability<\/strong> of its projects, the reaction of the markets, or the evaluation of its partners. That is why its recent <strong>internationalization<\/strong> does not look like oil diplomacy, but rather a <strong>business strategy<\/strong>. In <strong>Colombia<\/strong>, it operates the <strong>Sirius<\/strong> gas project together with <strong>Ecopetrol<\/strong>. In <strong>Namibia<\/strong>, it took a stake in an exploration license together with <strong>TotalEnergies<\/strong>. In <strong>S\u00e3o Tom\u00e9 and Pr\u00edncipe<\/strong>, it has acquired <strong>offshore<\/strong> positions. In <strong>Ivory Coast<\/strong>, it is seeking <strong>deepwater<\/strong> blocks. In all these cases, <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> moves as a company that monetizes its main technological advantage, its experience in <strong>deep and ultra-deep waters<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The agreement with <strong>Pemex<\/strong> fits into that logic, covering <strong>deep waters of the Gulf of Mexico<\/strong>, <strong>mature fields<\/strong>, <strong>seismic reprocessing<\/strong>, <strong>refining<\/strong>, <strong>petrochemicals<\/strong>, <strong>fertilizers<\/strong>, <strong>gas<\/strong>, <strong>energy efficiency<\/strong>, <strong>emissions reduction<\/strong>, and <strong>lower-carbon-intensity fuels<\/strong>, among other related areas. For the moment, it does not commit investments or create a <strong>joint venture<\/strong>; it only opens an entry point to review data, measure returns, and evaluate whether there is a business opportunity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">That is the central difference between the two companies. <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> explores cooperation, but under <strong>viability filters<\/strong>; <strong>Pemex<\/strong> needs cooperation because its <strong>financial and operational margin<\/strong> remains narrow, and it seeks it in <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> because it is the option that <strong>political rhetoric<\/strong> allows. After years of opposition to the <strong>energy reform<\/strong>, the <strong>oil rounds<\/strong>, and the entry of <strong>major private oil companies<\/strong>, cooperating with a Latin American state-owned company, even though it increasingly operates with the logic of a private company, is more defensible than openly acknowledging the need for <strong>external capabilities<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The contrast is uncomfortable for <strong>Mexico<\/strong> because both countries claim <strong>energy sovereignty<\/strong>, but <strong>Brazil<\/strong> allowed its oil company to preserve <strong>scale, ambition, and business discipline<\/strong> within a market that continued to function. <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> did not grow isolated from the State, but rather in an environment where the <strong>ANP<\/strong> maintained <strong>oil rounds<\/strong>, <strong>competitive bidding processes<\/strong>, and rules for partnering with other companies in <strong>exploration and production<\/strong>. That institutional framework forced <strong>Petrobras<\/strong> to <strong>compete, partner, and justify capital<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Pemex<\/strong>, in contrast, carries the burden of <strong>fiscal pressure<\/strong>, <strong>debt<\/strong>, <strong>operational deterioration<\/strong>, and a narrative that confuses <strong>state control<\/strong> with <strong>industrial strength<\/strong>. Added to this is an <strong>energy reform<\/strong> that remained halfway completed and was politically dismantled before becoming institutionally consolidated, and that never fully translated into a new <strong>governance<\/strong> structure for the company. Yes, <strong>Mexico<\/strong> can learn from <strong>Petrobras<\/strong>, but signing <strong>memorandums<\/strong> is not enough. It must observe how a <strong>public company<\/strong> can act with the logic of a <strong>private company<\/strong> without denying its national origin. The lesson to be learned is how to shield it from <strong>decisions that destroy capital<\/strong> and reward <strong>projects capable of competing<\/strong> outside the budget.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>This article was originally published by <strong>La Prensa OEM<\/strong>.<\/strong><br><strong>Date:<\/strong> July 4, 2026<br><strong>Link:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/oem.com.mx\/la-prensa\/analisis\/opinion-por-alejandro-sanchez-pemex-y-petrobras-mas-alla-de-la-afinidad-politica-30924435.html?app=true&amp;utm_source=chatgpt.com\">https:\/\/oem.com.mx\/la-prensa\/analisis\/opinion-por-alejandro-sanchez-pemex-y-petrobras-mas-alla-de-la-afinidad-politica-30924435.html?app=true<\/a> [Online]<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Petrobras and Pemex signed a memorandum of understanding on Tuesday in Rio de Janeiro to cooperate in exploration, production, and industrial processes. The gesture can be read as a political signal between two close governments, headed by Lula da Silva and Claudia Sheinbaum, but the underlying question is not whether Brazil [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2132,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[37,2,38,41,40],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2131","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles","category-business","category-energy-policy","category-oil-markets","category-pemex"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2131","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2131"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2131\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2133,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2131\/revisions\/2133"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2132"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2131"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2131"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/paulalejandro.one\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2131"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}